True Competition, not a virtual monopoly will provide good government ...

"The issue today is the same as it has been throughout all history, whether man shall be allowed to govern himself or be ruled by a small elite."

- Thomas Jefferson

An increasing number of our fellow citizens are becoming concerned about the direction of our federal, State and local governments. Most of the attention is focused on the claims, counter claims of the Republican and Democratic Parties. Each will tell you that the other represents disaster, sometimes even when they both have the same basic position.

At times it seems that our entire political process is nothing more than a grand scheme for special interests to gain influence at the expense of the citizens who pay for all of this. On many issues there is no question that special interests have more representation than the citizens.

One of the reasons for this state of affairs is the virtual monopoly the two major parties have on the political process. Since the adoption of the open Primary, campaign funds have become more of a determining factor than actual performance in office. As a result we are losing our Founding Principles.

More than any specific issue, the goal of the Southern Party of Georgia is to bring government back to the citizens and away from the unholy influence of special interests. Just as competition has been the cornerstone of the free enterprise system, we believe true competition should be the cornerstone of the political system. Let the people decide, not the party hacks and special interests.

We are pleased to begin announcing the launch of our first major organizing efforts (See: The Southern Party: A Plan for 2006 Election Cycle). The first of which is the delivery of a 16 page newspaper (A Real Choice - image of draft on right) to all registered voter households in selected districts. Instead of the all too familiar fancy glossy tri fold brochure we want to deliver something of substance. Instead of a fancy brochure with nothing but catchy slogans, we want to provide issues, positions and information. An equal number will be distributed by other means in the hope that many of our citizens who do not participate in the elective process will become more involved.

We believe that it is time for the citizens to take back control of the political process from the special interests. Even if you do not support the positions and platform of our small but growing grass roots effort we hope that you will support increasing competition in the political process so that the People, not special interests can once again begin to determine the course of our country. Competition is only avoided by those who rely on an unfair advantage, the people never benefit from a lack of competition.

For those who would like to support this effort we are offering the following ways for you to both stay informed and to participate in its success:

Contribution Amount


$10.00 click here Copy of "A Real Choice" and deliver 40 copies to Georgia citizens
$25.00 click here Copy of "A Real Choice" and deliver 100 copies to Georgia citizens
$50.00 click here Copy of "A Real Choice" and deliver 200 copies to Georgia citizens

If you would like to learn more about the Southern Party of Georgia, please take a few minutes and read: Many ask, “Why a Southern Party …?”  or email us your address and we will mail our latest newsletter or just give us a call. Toll free 877-903-0996 or 374-2640 in Fannin County.

We close this article with the words of Thomas Jefferson and George Washington:

"The issue today is the same as it has been throughout all history, whether man shall be allowed to govern himself or be ruled by a small elite."

- Thomas Jefferson

Part of George Washington's Farewell Address follows, concerning his warnings about the evils that could occur if political parties became too entrenched in our political environment.

Help spread the word, send an announcement eCard for A Real Choice, click here.

From President George Washington's Farewell Address:

20 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

21 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

22 The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

23 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

24 It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

25 There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

26 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

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